The outcome of Greece’s January 25 election will be pivotal for the country. The way Europe’s political elites respond will have a profound impact on the future of the EU, too.
Three years ago, the EU began to intensify its engagement with Asia. Now, the question is whether there is the political will to move this relationship to the next phase.
Putin and Erdogan will keep contradicting or chastising the EU as often as their highly charged populist political style requires, while engaging the EU for vital economic reasons.
A more assertive relationship with Turkey is in store for the European Union, but the assertiveness will likely be both ways.
EU-Turkey relations have grown very fast in recent years. Now, the pair should deepen their relationship by working together on issues that are of vital importance for both.
The EU’s approach to the post-Soviet space has failed. The union and its member states need to design a new Eastern policy that puts Eastern Europe, not Russia, first.
Although it did not pass, the Scottish referendum on independence will have repercussions for the United Kingdom, the European Union, and perhaps even further afield.
Moldova has become part of a geostrategic competition between Brussels and Moscow. Russia will be determined not to let the country slip away from its influence.
Western policy on Belarus should be both principled and capable of adapting to slowly changing realities on the ground—before polarization gets the better of the country.
The EU’s three new leaders have the tools and the rank to tackle Europe’s crises. To be successful, the trio needs the support of member states and the trust of the United States.
For years, the EU was extremely cautious not to provoke Russia. But with Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine, the EU now has to accept that the situation has changed.
While recognizing a Palestinian state could play a modest role in unblocking peace negotiations, it can only offer a partial solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict.
The EU’s approach to Iran has emerged as one of the few successes of European foreign policy. Now, the EU needs to develop a comprehensive strategy beyond the nuclear issue.
The crisis in Ukraine has betrayed fault lines in the Visegrad Group. Unless Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic change course, the “golden age” of Central Europe may come to an end.
The EU is afflicted by several splits, from a deep economic divide to a sharp populist rift. Broadening its membership to the entire continent would help address them all.
Countries in and outside of the EU should consider reforms as continuing regardless of any official ascension date.
If a nuclear deal is not reached, Tehran is ready to try to win the world over to its side. The transatlantic allies need to carefully manage the possible fallout from failure.
The EU faces a democracy trilemma. Only by enhancing transnational democratic interdependence, national democratic legitimacy, and local democratic vitality will the EU fix it.
Austria is arguably more conflict averse than any other European country, and that makes for a difficult balancing act between East and West.
Ukraine has experienced a number of failed revolutions. The hope today is that the October 26 elections will finally bring about the change the country needs.
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