It is unlikely that sanctions alone, regardless of their magnitude, will deter Iran's nuclear activities if Iran's principal aim is to become a "virtual" nuclear weapon state.
Indigenous innovation has become the greatest immediate source of economic friction between the United States and China. Yet despite concerns over protectionism, the global trend toward “homegrown” innovation is a healthy, positive development.
The balance of power in the Middle East is shifting, and Turkey's changing role and rising influence with other countries provides both a risk and an opportunity for Washington.
The international community’s understandable admiration for Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and his efforts to rebuild the West Bank obscures a dangerous regression in democracy and human rights.
The central bank of China has cautiously begun to tighten monetary policy in response to a massive residential property bubble, demonstrating Beijing’s belief that it has both the policy tools and the political will to control the bubble and avoid a burst.
Turkey is emerging strongly from the Great Recession, but the Euro area crisis, a soaring current account deficit, and domestic political uncertainty threaten the economy.
Saudi Arabia plays a key role in many issues of critical interest to the United States—including terrorism, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the Middle East peace process, and Afghanistan.
In the month of June, the Obama administration achieved a number of foreign policy successes regarding Afghanistan, Iran, Japan, South Korea, and Russia.
At the 2010 St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, President Medvedev appealed to investors to put their money into the Russian economy. However, corruption continues to kill investor interest in Russia.
Sanctions alone are unlikely to persuade Iran to stop enriching uranium, but there are few alternative measures that would increase pressure and change the behavior of the Iranian regime.
The selection of General David Petraeus offers a window to analyze the grim realities in Afghanistan and start implementing the most effective way forward.
While the upcoming G20 meeting likely influenced the specific timing of Beijing's announcement that it would allow greater flexibility in its currency, the collapse of the euro offered a good opportunity for change.
The departure of General McChrystal and arrival of General Petraeus provides a golden opportunity to abandon a failing strategy in Afghanistan.
The G20 still has far to go in terms of reforming the global financial system and calming the lingering economic turmoil, but the experience of sovereign wealth funds provides a useful outline for what is possible.
While the focus of the meeting between Russian President Medvedev and U.S. President Obama will be on economic and technological cooperation, major security issues—including Iran sanctions, the U.S.–Russian civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, and arms control—will also be on the agenda.
Modern Russian must overcome a number of internal and external pressures in the course of its struggle to determine its role in the changing global community.
Despite optimistic rhetoric of partnership and strategic cooperation, the recent EU–Russia summit ended without any significant agreements and relations between Moscow and Brussels have entered a period of stagnation.
Changing market conditions, increasing costs of production, and a new commitment to efficiency have given Russia an opportunity to increase its collaboration with Europe on issues of energy security.
The need for a strong relationship between Moscow and Brussels is clear, but Europe faces administrative and political barriers to a common policy on Russia and Russia remains unwilling to undertake the reforms that would make it more compatible with the EU.
Moscow’s unwillingness to trust market forces and continued insistence on top-down economic policies undermines any attempt at a true economic partnership with Europe.