Without U.S. engagement, Europe remains divided on Syria. Yet as this bloody civil war spreads to the wider region, both sides of the Atlantic may be forced into action.
The argument in favor of an effective EU foreign policy is impeded by formidable obstacles. But it remains valid, is gaining urgency, and finally needs to be taken seriously.
Both Europe and China are overdependent on the United States as a guarantor of the liberal world order. Both need to wake up and accept their global responsibility.
Russia’s most recent version of anti-Americanism is essentially about Russian domestic politics: it is the authorities’ reaction to a gradual maturing of Russian society.
The scandal ensnaring Germany’s defense minister is damaging Merkel. But it shows that Germany has come further along the path of military modernization than one might think.
If China is to rebalance its economy, the policies that subsidized Chinese exports must be reversed. As this happens, manufacturing in the rest of the world will surge.
France’s economic woes will seriously affect Europe’s ability to conduct military missions. Europeans should face up to that new reality.
Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa are setting up a development bank. That is good news, as it increases their stake in a rules-based liberal world order.
NATO too should pivot toward Asia—not as a military player, but as an alliance of democracies that has much to offer like-minded countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
Many Europeans have demanded the end of U.S. interference in the world. They might now get their wish—and regret it. Yet this might be the wake-up call that Europe needs.
Two years into the Syrian conflict, the United States and Russia are realizing that it is unlikely to end with a clear victory for either side. They must now push for peace talks.
Every week leading experts answer a new question from Judy Dempsey on the foreign and security policy challenges shaping Europe’s role in the world.
By embracing the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, political leaders can send a strong message of support for open markets and liberal capitalism.
Growth will not return to Europe until Europeans heed the lessons of past financial crises and permanently resolve their debt problems.
The old transatlantic partnership, centered on security, is in decline. But an emerging new partnership, built around a transatlantic marketplace, offers the prospect for Europe and the United States to build a strong pillar of liberal world order.
The United States and Europe should promote a common code of conduct for the use of drones, not least to project a united stance toward undemocratic regimes.
If Europe wants to strengthen the transatlantic link, it needs to spend more on military capabilities. That would make it a more useful and a more independent partner.
The euro crisis cannot be resolved if only low-savings countries adjust, because their low savings rates may themselves have been caused partly by high savings abroad.
Every week leading experts answer a new question from Judy Dempsey on the international challenges shaping Europe's role in the world.
Europe can take responsibility for policing its part of the world, but attitudes will need to change profoundly.