Even if EU foreign policy analysts’ working assumption is wrong, the outcome is the same: if Europeans want to matter in the world they must get their act together fast.
During the last sixty years, Europe has adopted some awkward bad habits. It needs to find some new ones fast, or the next decades will be a period of turmoil and decline.
If President Obama is hoping to attract public and international support on major foreign policy challenges, he urgently needs to share his elusive thinking.
It is crucial for Europeans to understand that their increased engagement will make them both less dependent and more interesting as a partner for the United States.
As Europe’s political observers pack their suitcases, they should spare a thought for a few foreign policy concerns that will be just as pressing in the fall as they are now.
This week’s G8 summit is an extraordinary success story and a rare optimistic lesson for the enduring importance of European integration and the transatlantic relationship.
Every week leading experts answer a new question from Judy Dempsey on the foreign and security policy challenges shaping Europe’s role in the world.
President Obama’s trip to Berlin is a worthy effort to find a European partner with whom he can talk serious geopolitics. But he shouldn’t expect any results from Germany.
Europeans’ anger over U.S. surveillance is at odds with their own appetite for data. What’s more, snooping in the name of security calls into question Europe’s core values.
Without U.S. engagement, Europe remains divided on Syria. Yet as this bloody civil war spreads to the wider region, both sides of the Atlantic may be forced into action.
The argument in favor of an effective EU foreign policy is impeded by formidable obstacles. But it remains valid, is gaining urgency, and finally needs to be taken seriously.
Both Europe and China are overdependent on the United States as a guarantor of the liberal world order. Both need to wake up and accept their global responsibility.
Russia’s most recent version of anti-Americanism is essentially about Russian domestic politics: it is the authorities’ reaction to a gradual maturing of Russian society.
The scandal ensnaring Germany’s defense minister is damaging Merkel. But it shows that Germany has come further along the path of military modernization than one might think.
If China is to rebalance its economy, the policies that subsidized Chinese exports must be reversed. As this happens, manufacturing in the rest of the world will surge.
France’s economic woes will seriously affect Europe’s ability to conduct military missions. Europeans should face up to that new reality.
Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa are setting up a development bank. That is good news, as it increases their stake in a rules-based liberal world order.
NATO too should pivot toward Asia—not as a military player, but as an alliance of democracies that has much to offer like-minded countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
Many Europeans have demanded the end of U.S. interference in the world. They might now get their wish—and regret it. Yet this might be the wake-up call that Europe needs.
Two years into the Syrian conflict, the United States and Russia are realizing that it is unlikely to end with a clear victory for either side. They must now push for peace talks.