For a European Union with geopolitical ambitions, revamping its Iran policy into a regional Gulf strategy would be a good place to start.
While the coronavirus crisis has helped UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s approval rating, it hasn’t helped his party, and British voters are now losing faith in the government’s handling of it.
By trying to manage the financial fallout of the coronavirus without also providing democratic reform, the EU will unleash another cycle of the legitimacy problems it has suffered since the eurozone crisis.
The new leader of the Labour Party has already established full control of his party. He now has the power to set its course for the next years—but he must deal with two urgent challenges first.
For Europe, the internal economic shock created by the coronavirus is set to be compounded by an external security shock triggered by the economic collapse of its neighborhood.
The EU has gone through many crises over the past decades. But the coronavirus pandemic could well be the ultimate acid test of its resilience as a community based on solidarity and common values.
While several post-Soviet countries such as Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine now routinely hold free and fair elections, another democratic pillar—rule of law—has proved much more difficult to achieve.
It’s too late to defeat the Assad regime, but a humanitarian intervention by the EU and NATO could prevent countless deaths and another massive refugee crisis.
The EU earned international recognition for its role in the Iran deal negotiations. Now, Europeans must raise their game with continuous high-level diplomacy—while preparing for further escalation in the Middle East.
Without corrective action, the United States and Europe will drift further apart over the 2020s, regardless of who sits in the Oval Office.
Europe has a vested interest in Middle East stability as well as in the welfare of its people.
The divergence between Europe and the United States is structural, not just personal, and it won’t simply disappear with the departure of Donald Trump.
NATO must prepare for the threats of tomorrow, when dynamics may be more complex than those between superpowers in the twentieth century. To plan for such a world will signal that the alliance is far from brain dead.
The Conservatives won the UK election convincingly. But beyond the bleeding obvious, there are five takeaways from the December 12 election.
Brexit has accelerated a massive change in British voting behavior, but not started it. For the Labour party, the 2019 UK election should mark the beginning of its own fundamental transition.
Twenty-five years ago, the Russian government went to war in Chechnya. Few will be marking this anniversary and the two following wars, which ultimately came to define Putin’s transformation of Russia.
Emmanuel Macron thinks the Atlantic alliance is brain-dead, but its problems have deeper roots than the recent U.S.-Turkish spat over Syria.
The UK prides itself on its special relationship with the United States, but the true extent of that is open to debate. So where will post-Brexit Britain stand in the mid-2020s when the dust has settled?
NATO, and especially its European members, are increasingly questioning Turkey’s reliability, especially since Ankara launched a military incursion in Syria.
The political and societal polarization in the United States is palpable, and instead of trying to heal those divisions, the two dominating parties are building on them to secure their voter base.