The COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent economic crisis have deepened existing gender inequities. The EU should strengthen its efforts to address the barriers to gender equality by promoting and supporting women’s political empowerment.
Alongside its traditional external democracy support, the EU needs to begin drawing on lessons and influences from other countries to help address Europe’s own democracy problems.
The United States bears a great deal of the responsibility for the situation in Afghanistan, but the EU should also reflect on how its overly narrow conception of democracy contributed to the shortcomings of Afghan reconstruction efforts.
In the aftermath of the 2020 Armenia-Azerbaijan war, the South Caucasus is experiencing a major reset in trade links and economic cooperation. New railway and highway construction projects could bring new life—but who stands to win or lose?
The EU should make the most of its economic leverage in Cuba to more deftly balance its engagement with the single-party regime with more outreach to an emerging wave of new civic activists pressing for change.
The stress of the pandemic has reinforced nation-first mentalities, deepened inequalities, and weakened the multilateral system. To fight global warming, governments must move beyond thinking in such narrow national terms and re-energize foreign policy as a crucial tool of effective climate action.
COP26 provides a forum for deliberating about climate adaptation, but such global meetings must also account for the needs of developing nations. A narrow climate agenda will only perpetuate divisions between postindustrial and developing countries.
Numerous—sometimes competing—forms of democratic engagement have tried to answer the rallying cry for climate action. If harmonized, initiatives including depoliticized democracy, climate assemblies, and protest movements can bring Europe closer to green democracy.
The rise of dominant political parties contributes to the resurgence of authoritarianism and impedes democracy support. Paying greater attention to party support and talks, elections, and direct activism in countries such as Georgia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, and Zimbabwe will advance sound governance and democracy.
As part of the EU’s strategic autonomy, the concept of technological sovereignty has risen in importance. What steps can Europe take to grow its technological capacity?
Georgia’s Orthodox Church was critical to the formation of the country’s identity and restoration of lost statehood in the 1990s. Today, Georgia must reconcile its conservative views with its ambitions for European integration.
Europe must be ready to support the creation of a regional mechanism for collective security in the Persian Gulf when the opportunity arises. Launching initial talks on concrete issues such as maritime security and nuclear safety would be a good first step toward conflict de-escalation and confidence-building.
The coronavirus pandemic has strained the EU’s efforts to promote democracy. Nowhere is this clearer than in the Western Balkans, where China and Russia have used vaccine diplomacy to strengthen their roles in the region.
To reap the benefits of being valuable partners in promoting democracy abroad, the Visegrad Four countries must address democratic backsliding at home, improve coordination among themselves, and make bigger financial commitments.
Russia’s steady development of military capabilities on the ground, in the air, and at sea has enhanced its overall military posture in the region. This experience, and lack of resistance from NATO, is likely to enhance Russia’s military posture and ambitions outside the Mediterranean.
Ethno-nationalist tendencies dating back to the Soviet period have alienated Georgia’s ethnic minority groups. Integrating them into the country’s political, economic, and cultural life is essential for successful nation-building in Georgia.
Russia’s activities in the Mediterranean have created new challenges for Europe’s energy interests and NATO’s defense architecture. Today’s transatlantic efforts should focus on NATO’s policy in the region, the Russia-Turkey relationship, and multilateral conflict resolution in Libya and Syria.
Divisive public discourse in Georgia about the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia has hurt broader peacebuilding prospects and obscured the issues faced by the communities in these territories.
The speed and pragmatism with which the EU brokered an agreement to end Georgia’s recent political crisis deserves praise. The union should take this opportunity to reflect on the role of mediation in its democracy-support strategies.
Georgians’ collective memory has been shaped by pride in their struggle for independence since 1989 and fear of existential threats. This narrative has overshadowed other domestic challenges and increased Georgia’s reliance on individual leaders.