The Eastern Partnership was designed to tie the Eastern neighbors to the EU, keep Russia out, and EU membership off the table. These objectives have been achieved—but the region has become neither more stable nor secure.
Fifteen years after the the EU’s biggest expansion, Central Europe still doesn’t feel part of the club. The bloc can hope to survive the many forces trying to tear it apart only by repairing its fraught East-West relationship.
This report is a rallying cry for Europeans to pull together and mobilize the EU’s assets to manage the three biggest changes of our times.
Despite President Emmanuel Macron’s conciliatory measures, it is unclear whether his grand gesture will lead to permanent democratic reforms. His familiar positions and the wider political environment suggest many roadblocks ahead.
Pitched as a new Silk Road sweeping from Asia to Europe, China’s enormous Belt and Road Initiative is an ambitious, multinational infrastructure project. Experts from four Carnegie global centers explain other countries’ perspectives.
On April 21, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, best known starring in a political television drama, scored a dramatic victory over incumbent Petro Poroshenko to become president of Ukraine. Four experts on Ukraine give their verdict.
Unlike most of its neighbors, France does not want to allow the UK more time to leave the EU. But this is not about schadenfreude—the French position is based upon genuine angst.
A Zelenskiy presidency would offer a precious opportunity for a rethink. It’s time for Ukraine—and its backers in the West—to get serious.
As national and EU politics gets more and more intertwined, the dividing line between the two spheres is fading away and a common European political space begins to slowly take shape.
Given that the S-400 deal with Russia could have such adverse consequences for the U.S.-Turkey bilateral relationship, the real question is how this transaction was allowed to get so close to the finish line?
Many of the claims about the EU’s East-West divide do not stand up to closer inspection. But like most relationships, it still needs careful attention and engagement.
It is becoming increasingly clear that the alliance today is ill-prepared to deal with myriad complex threats.
By toppling the Justice and Development party in Ankara and Istanbul in Turkey’s local elections, the opposition has shown that Erdogan’s ruling party is not an invincible force.
By resigning as prime minister but remaining party leader, Theresa May could ease a transition—and maybe even end her party’s Brexit deadlock.
Faced with external and internal threats, Iran is resorting to old-style nationalism.
Ukraine votes for a president on March 31. Will the pro-Western incumbent, Petro Poroshenko, win? Or will he lose to his old foe, Yulia Tymoshenko, or wild card Volodymyr Zelenskiy?
The bottom line is that bridging to G7 nations such as Italy and France and getting global recognition for the BRI are now top Chinese priorities. China wants to be seen as the new champion of multilateralism.
Whatever fate Brexit meets, Britain’s reputation for competent, pragmatic political stability—built up over centuries—is being trashed. It will take years, perhaps decades, to restore.
While the liberal-centrists style themselves as a progressive bulwark against populist-nativism, they have yet to develop a united vision for the future of European cooperation.
For all the overtures to China that Rome is making, Italy has not yet settled on what kind of relationship it actually wants.