The world cannot get enough of her leadership.
On November 22, Angela Merkel will celebrate her tenth anniversary as chancellor of Germany. No mean feat for a leader who grew up in Communist East Germany and made her way up through a male-dominated Christian Democratic Union party. Aware of the resentment toward her ascent to power, Merkel has so far managed to see off many potential challengers.
As if that were not enough, Merkel, as Europe’s most important leader, has had to cope with the global financial crisis, rescue the eurozone and Greece from collapse, and deal with Russia’s proxy war in eastern Ukraine.
She now has a gargantuan task in her in-tray: coping with the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have come to Germany over the past few months. This is going to test her leadership and her ability to silence the growing opposition to her refugee policy that is building inside her conservative bloc.
From the outside, Merkel cannot be praised enough by Forbes, the Economist, and many other influential publications. Forbes recently listed her as the world’s second most powerful person, ahead of U.S. President Barack Obama. First place went to Russian President Vladimir Putin. The Economist put her on its November 6 cover with the title “The indispensable European.”
These publications all share the same opinion: Merkel has leadership and vision. The implication is that the two go hand in hand. That’s all very well, but what are leadership and vision without strategy?
In fact, leadership and vision can be a toxic combination—even though there is a widely held belief that if a leader has both, it is a good thing. This is a misconception. Vision often implies ideology. And ideology has a built-in intolerance and a sense of infallibility.
The former U.S. president George W. Bush and the former British prime minister Tony Blair had leadership and vision. Both fervently believed that the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 was morally and politically right. But that leadership and vision, driven by ideology, had no strategy.
That’s why Merkel’s policy toward the refugees is so interesting. Outsiders praise her policy because it displays leadership and vision, particularly at a time when other leaders have been hesitant—to say the least—in accepting refugees.
The leadership aspect is understandable. Merkel opened the door to the refugees because she believed it was morally and humanely the right thing to do. But it had nothing to do with vision. If Merkel has a vision about what impact the refugees will have on German society, she has never explained it. And if she has a strategy about how her refugee policy could change Germany’s dire demographic trend, she has never articulated it.
As it is, Germans do not like this vision thing, understandably. It has been drummed into them that vision carries huge risk, if not the seeds of destruction.
As for leadership, that is different. Previous German chancellors have shown real leadership. Germany’s first postwar conservative chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, began a rapprochement with Moscow and with Israel. And he understood the existential importance of the European Coal and Steel Community, the precursor of today’s EU. This was Western Europe’s peace ticket, a ticket that was later extended to Germany’s Eastern European neighbors.
And don’t forget Europe’s security umbrella. Amid much controversy, Germany was admitted to NATO in 1955 because Adenauer—and the Americans—saw it as another anchor for Europe’s and Germany’s security.
Helmut Kohl was another impressive German chancellor. He grasped the opportunity for German reunification. But for the sake of European unity, he was prepared to pay a very high price by getting rid of the deutsche mark in favor of a common European currency.
None of the above was about vision. It was based on realpolitik and necessity. Germany needed these anchors. It needed these rapprochements. It needed security. It needed Europe.
As for Merkel, Europe needs her, especially at a time when there is a dearth of leaders to guide the European Union through the many challenges it faces. But Europe also needs leaders who think and act strategically. Maybe, as Merkel enters her eleventh year in office, her leadership will mutate into the strategy that so far has eluded Germany and Europe.
Comments(4)
How about a leader who respects constitutional democracy. And doesn't impose her Will over her people.
I thought Judy Dempsey's comments about Chancellor Merkel having no real strategy in relationship to the current refugee crisis was very astute. The Chancellor also had no real strategy when she supported cutting defense spending for Germany in 2015 by around $820 million. But the emergence of an increasingly hostile Russia since then, with the annexation of Crimea in March last year and the continued assistance that it offers pro-Russia rebels in the East Ukraine war, the decision has been reversed and she has now approved a draft plan to increase its defense budget by 6.2 percent over the next five years. Merkel is far from perfect as are all leaders, President Obama's confusion over Iraq and Syria being similar, but the refugee crisis is altogether of a different dimension because they immediately impact her nation. Those calling for her head now are not just on the far right and she has seriously made big mistakes with her one million refugee being admitted to Germany statements.
I myself believe there is a German strategy going on for 70 years now: by creating the European Union Germany won WW II after all, this time economically. As the strongest member state Germany now makes the decisions for the whole Union. At first "by consensus" but certainly with the refugee crisis Germany decided on its own, expecting other states to follow blindly. The other member states have no strategic vision, that is the problem. Those countries with a view contrary to the German view are quickly silenced.
In light of what happened in Paris, and contrary to the author, I would argue yet again that Merkel is exactly the wrong type of leader for Germany and for Europe -- unless, of course, you are determined to commit your country to a holed ship (the EU), keep the gates wide open, turn a blind eye to the emerging (and inevitably growing) threat posed by the vast numbers of people being let in, and so despise your own culture that you seek to have it strongly influenced by the barbarism of the Islamic Middle East. (The values underlying European identity are quite obviously not universal as 9/11, or the London, Madrid and Paris bombings attest -- they are very special and the product of a unique civilisation, now under siege.) Merkel et. al. do not seem to get it that national leaders are elected to advance national interests, not private agendas that include fundamentally transforming the identity of your country. With each passing day, and as the bodies pile up (quite a few this year alone), supporting Merkel and her approach displays a dogmatism that borders on lunacy. I predict, however, that Euro-libs will be even more strident in coming weeks and months in arguing their position on Europe, multiculturalism, the EU etc., absurd though it is fast becoming. Let us hope that the German political elite wakes up and ditches Merkel and her policies as a first step on a difficult road to national (and, by implication, European recovery.
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