Kellner is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, where his research focuses on Brexit, populism, and electoral democracy.
Peter Kellner is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, where his research focuses on Brexit, populism, and electoral democracy.
Prior to joining Carnegie, Kellner was president of the online survey research company, YouGov, from 2007 to 2016, after serving as the organization’s chairman from 2001 to 2007. Previously, he consulted on public opinion research to a number of organizations, including the Bank of England, the Corporation of London, the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the National Westminster Bank, and the Trades Union Congress.
Kellner has worked extensively as a British journalist. He has written for a variety of newspapers and magazines, including the Times, the Independent, the Observer, and the Evening Standard, and has been a regular contributor to television and radio programs, such as BBC Newsnight and Channel Four’s A Week in Politics. He was awarded Journalist of the Year at the British Press Awards in 1978.
He has been a visiting fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford; a distinguished visiting fellow at the Policy Studies Institute, London; and served as a member of committees set up by the Economic and Social Research Council to commission research into elections and social exclusion. He received a Special Recognition Award from the Political Studies Association in 2011.
Kellner is currently the chairman of the National Council for Voluntary Service (NCVO) and a trustee of UpRising, a charity that mentors young people.
With the pandemic messing up the Brexit negotiations and weakening the British prime minister, prospects for a wide-ranging UK-EU deal by the end of 2020 are vanishing fast.
With four weeks to go, the UK is experiencing not only its most important election in living memory, but its most unpredictable—and one in which a minority of voters could impose Brexit on the majority.
If Hong Kong was promised “one country, two systems,” the Good Friday Agreement promised “two countries, one market” for the island of Ireland. After two decades, both settlements are fraying badly.
Brexit could wreck Britain’s centuries-old character of alternating rule by large, ideologically capacious parties. If so, the irony is that British politics will end up resembling politics in much of the rest of Europe.
Boris Johnson, who is all but certain to become the next UK prime minister, has promised to deliver Brexit by October 31. But breaking his word has been a theme of his career.
As the race to succeed Theresa May as UK prime minister heats up, Brits must make a number of pivotal decisions that will have major consequences for the country’s future.
The next ten days will bring to a head the Brexit drama. It has strained the UK’s constitution, threatened its social cohesion, terrified its businesses, appalled its friends, and delighted its enemies.
Britain’s reputation for competent, pragmatic political stability has been built up over centuries. It is now being trashed daily before our eyes.
The chances of Britain crashing out of the EU without a deal have risen a little, the chances of a fresh referendum have risen a lot, and the chances of any kind of compromise have fallen.
Few want the UK to crash out of the EU without a deal. After a tumultuous week for Theresa May, the chances have risen that Brexit won’t happen at all.