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Russia’s war in Ukraine has highlighted Europe’s dependence on the United States for security. While strategic autonomy may be out of reach, the EU must work to strengthen the European pillar of NATO.
Only the combination of military assistance and reconstruction efforts now will one day put Ukraine in the position to decide if and when it wants to negotiate.
EU-U.S. frictions are emerging over Russia’s war in Ukraine, economic nationalism, and China. Working together on security while fending off for themselves economically is not viable.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is forcing France to shift its attention to European defense. This direction could benefit both the EU and NATO.
Many countries critical to the global effort to tackle climate change have poor human rights records. Democracies must find ways to ensure progress on both fronts.
The decline of democracy in the United States means Washington’s leadership role cannot be taken for granted. It is time Europe seriously invested in its own security and defense.
The Biden administration has led the Western military and economic response to Russia’s attack on Ukraine. Europe must be ready to act independently if and when Washington’s policy changes.
Most Western assistance to Ukraine, including weapons and training, has come from individual NATO member states. But without the alliance, this support would be less coordinated and not as substantial.
Russia’s war against Ukraine shows why NATO and the EU are both essential for European security. The two offer different yet complementary models for organizing the continent’s defense.
Russia’s war in Ukraine is making neutral Finland and Sweden seriously consider joining NATO. Such membership would strengthen the alliance’s defenses and greatly increase security in the Baltic region.
NATO must double down on deterrence and collective defense to stop any Russian attacks on its territory. That may mean a return to some level of conscription among more European allies.
Transatlantic disunity and a lack of strategy over how to deal with Russia’s ultimatum is placing Europe’s security architecture at risk. The West has no choice but to put up a strong united front.
Together, the United States and Europe can modernize the post–1945 international order. This requires a strong commitment to democracy and the defense of the norms and values that define the West.
NATO struggles to respond to events falling in between the seams of collective defense, crisis management, and cooperative security. Allies should use the 2022 Strategic Concept to map out how they will deal with Russian and Chinese hybrid warfare.
The EU has long been the dominant player in Bosnia and Herzegovina, however its policy toward the country and the Western Balkans more broadly is failing. A recent vote in the UN Security Council has destroyed what was left of the union’s credibility.
The global arms control regime is disintegrating. To reverse this trend, Europe and the United States will have to find a way to engage both Russia and China.
Despite the fallout over AUKUS, France does not intend to withdraw from the Indo-Pacific. The diplomatic crisis has given President Macron a chance to make his country’s voice heard on a major geostrategic issue.
Unconvinced by the EU’s stance toward an increasingly assertive China, Australia has sidelined Europe in its approach to the Indo-Pacific. This places Canberra’s trade and diplomatic relations with Europe at risk.
Germany’s next chancellor will have to finally define Berlin’s security and defense interests. That means addressing the future of U.S. nuclear weapons stationed in the country and the desperate need to modernize Germany’s armed forces.
The military alliance forged between the United States, Australia, and the UK at the expense of France will lead to new alignments and could profoundly impact the transatlantic relationship. The United States and its European allies should know what’s at stake.
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